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Asymmetrical Concepts and Political Asymmetries A Comparative Glance at 20th Century Democracies and Totalitarianisms from a Discursive Standpoint* KIRILL POSTOUTENKO Strange as it may seem, the so-called asymmetrical concepts, discov- ered some 35 years ago by Reinhard Koselleck (Koselleck 1975) and promoted since then to the core of “conceptual history”, have yet to see the proof of their importance in small-and middle-scale empirical studies. However, this vacuum appears less surprising given the fact that even the founding fathers of

3. Born again in Politics DID THE PRESIDENT WALK …? „Excuse me! Did the President walk into the hospital?“, fragte Nachrichtensprecher Frank Reynolds mit aufgeregter Stimme in die Muschel seines Studiotelefons. Er wiederholte die Frage: „Excuse me! Did the President walk …?“ Reynolds war mit einem Außenreporter verbunden, der von der Einlieferung Ronald Reagans ins George Washington Hospital berichten sollte. Reynolds, einer der Köpfe der ABC- „World News Tonight“ war bereits zuvor sehr erregt gewesen, nachdem die Nach- richten der Sender CBS

Cultural Politics: The Civilizing Mission of Science As we have seen, ethical values such as the ideal of humanity were central elements of Moleschott’s conception of science, as well as of higher education and politics. In fact, it played an important role in many of the projects Moleschott engaged in: from public hygiene to the speech given on the occasion of the inauguration of the statue of Giordano Bruno, from the commemoration of his fellow Senators and university colleagues, to the ideal of a developed and rationally organized society. In

147 Political Information and Religious Skepticism in Early Modern Italy FEDERICO BARBIERATO The seventeenth century saw the unexpected revival of the classical debate con- cerning the theory of the political imposture of religion. The rapid reception of this intellectual conceit facilitated the subsequent introduction of a number of heterodox doctrines that came to typify religious dissent in that period. At the - ded within the social fabric. But by the end of the seventeenth century, its image had been radically transformed. Religion came to be considered

Political Vacuum and Interregnum in Early Modern Unrest YVES-MARIE BERCÉ Great European revolts and civil wars were often preceded by a particular institutional aspect that was unintended but more or less inherent in monarchical (or maybe any political) order: the temporary lack of central power. The last episode of the French Wars of Religion, the Russian Time of Troubles, the French Fronde and similar events are only the most visible examples of political and social disorder caused by a vacant throne. Bluntly put, the notion of a void of

Conclusion: Jacob Moleschott, a Transnational Actor between Science and Politics The celebrations and commemorations for Moleschott reflect the multiple roles he played in science and politics. At the same time, they initiated the myth of Moleschott as the scientist martyr of his profession and as a modern Socrates who had to abandon the University of Heidelberg because of his ideas, and propagated the image of Mo- leschott as a rebel and a genius. In this book, the first academic biography about Moleschott, I have attempted, on the one hand, to

109 How to Create Political Meaning in Public Spaces? Some Evidence from Late Medieval Britain JÖRG ROGGE In this paper I would like to make some remarks about the methods that had been used to create political meaning in late medieval Britain. Furthermore I will show the relevance of the public spaces for the creation of political mean- ing. This creation was for example particularly necessary in regard to the inau- guration of new monarchs. Thus I will present some political settings which had been used to introduce a new king to the public. This

Early Modern Revolts as Political Crimes in the Popular Media of Illustrated Broadsheets KARL HÄRTER The fruitful research on revolts in early modern Europe is still primarily characterised by a social historical approach, focussing on the socio-economic causes of social upheaval – especially in rural areas – as well as on the motives and activities of the disadvantaged groups or rebels.1 Recent studies also addressed the issue of how revolts and similar forms of social unrest were represented in public media, taking into account how the

Quietis publicae perturbatio: Revolts in the Political and Legal Treatises of the sixteenth and seventeenth Centuries FABRIZIO DAL VERA 1. CRIMINALIZATION OF THE COLLECTIVE VIOLENCE: AN OVERVIEW The evolution of penal law during the early modern age in Europe shows that from the beginning of the sixteenth century there was an extensive use of crimen laesae maiestatis in order to punish and repress many kinds of crime.1 Even minor crimes, previously not seen as a problem by the authorities, began to be considered as an offence against the State

More than Resistance: Political Humour Under Stalin in the 1930s1 JONATHAN WATERLOW When used as a historical source, the political humour of populations living under repressive regimes is almost always interpreted as evidence of some kind of popular »resistance« to state power, restrictions, or norms. This ten- dency finds reflection throughout different areas of scholarship: whether for Hitler’s Germany (cf. Hillenbrand 1995), Franco’s Spain (cf. Pi-Sunyer 1977), the post-slavery United States (cf. Levine 1977), or, according to